Looking back at what I wrote at the time, I noted: “This may not be the end of the story. For
one thing, given the significant swell of support for the pro-independence
campaign it cannot be absolutely ruled out that they will push for a second
referendum. This will add further fuel to a nascent English nationalist
movement led by UKIP, which will thus set the tone for the May 2015 General
Election. Once the election is out of the way, the next big item on the
political agenda will be the prospect of a UK referendum on EU membership. The
main lesson from the Scottish campaign is that it will cause a lot of
bitterness.” I could not have foreseen in 2014 just how right that would
prove to be.
It is extraordinary to think that less than two years
separated the Scottish independence and EU referendums, such was the change in
political sentiment during this period. The long-awaited publication of David
Cameron’s memoirs, which have been splashed all over the newspapers in recent
days, suggests he is deeply saddened by how the EU debate played out and he is
scathing about the behaviour of colleagues such as Michael Gove and Boris
Johnson during the campaign. But just as Tony Blair could never admit that the
UK’s involvement in the Iraq War was a mistake, so Cameron cannot accept that
he made a mistake in calling the EU referendum. He believes that a public vote was
“ultimately inevitable.” But he is wrong. In early 2016, only 10% of voters believed relations with the EU were a pressing issue for the UK.
It was well documented at the time that Cameron was trying to spike the guns
of UKIP and I have consistently expressed the view since early 2013 that his
call for a referendum was a gamble with the national interest.
Arguably, Cameron’s success in securing the "right" result on
the Scottish referendum emboldened his decision to hold an EU referendum. With
the benefit of hindsight maybe if the Scots had voted for independence Cameron
might not have been so gung-ho about the EU plebiscite, and although UKIP would
have continued to be an irritant, the rest of the country may not have torn
itself apart over the EU issue. As it is, we are now in a position where the UK
is only 43 days away from crashing out of the EU without a deal.
The release last week of the summary Operation Yellowhammer documents make clear the scale of the economic risks facing the UK if it does crash out
without a deal. The document notes that “When the UK ceases to be a member of the EU in October 2019 all rights
and reciprocal arrangements with the EU end. No bilateral deals have been
concluded with individual member states [and] public and business readiness for
a no-deal will remain at a low level, and will decrease to lower levels,
because the absence of a clear decision on the form of EU Exit (customs union,
no deal etc) does not provide a concrete situation for third parties to prepare
for.” These are the outcomes that government told us not too long ago were
unthinkable and now we find they are government policy.
Just to highlight the specific nature of some of the
Brexit-related risks, “the reliance of
medicines and medical products' supply chains on the short straits crossing
make them particularly vulnerable to severe extended delays. Any disruption to
reduce, delay or stop supply of medicines for UK veterinary use would reduce
our ability to prevent and control disease outbreaks, with potential
detrimental impacts for animal health and welfare, the environment, and wider
food safety/availability and zoonotic diseases which can directly impact human
health. Certain types of fresh food supply will decrease.”
In other words, the UK government’s inability or
unwillingness to accept the deal negotiated with the EU last November poses
potential health risks to the country’s population. These are not the hysterical
ramblings of desperate Remainers – this is what the government has been forced
to admit might actually happen. To further highlight the collapse in effective
governance, far from preparing to meet the challenge, the government has
suspended parliament in case it asks too many inconvenient questions and is now fighting a challenge to its actions in the Supreme Court.
Nor does the madness stop there. For all the obvious shortcomings of Boris
Johnson as Prime Minister, opinion polls suggest the Conservatives are actually extending their lead over Labour.
To counter this, the Liberal Democrats have now adopted a repeal of the Article 50 notification as their official policy which is (a) unlikely to happen; (b) not particularly
wise and (c) not the threat to democracy that the foaming-at-the mouth brigade
would have us believe because all you have to do is not vote Lib Dem.
We live in febrile times and the anger that the Brexit
debate has stirred up is not going to dissipate once the UK is out of the EU
(or not). To put this into some form of historical context I have combined the
post-1998 Baker, Bloom and Davis policy uncertainty index for the UK with their index covering the period 1900 to 2008 (based on a smaller sample so
there are some comparability issues). Nonetheless, it shows that policy
uncertainty spiked to its highest ever level in the wake of the EU referendum
and even now is at levels consistently exceeded only in 1919, 1939 and 1946 (chart above).
The UK economy is not merely suffering an economic shock: It is being subject
to repeated convulsions which will not easily be healed. I fear it will take a
generation to heal current wounds. The apparent civility characterising the Scottish
referendum in 2014 seems like a lifetime ago.
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