The events of today have made it clear just how the path
towards the sunlight uplands of Brexit is crumbling beneath our feet. Let’s
start with the politics and the news that seven MPs have resigned from the Labour Party to set up The Independent Group.
This is a measure of the sheer helplessness felt by many Labour MPs who see
their party drifting away on a sea of left-wing irrelevance following Jeremy
Corbyn’s unwillingness to use his position to stand up to the damaging form of
Brexit proposed by many on the opposition benches. Let us not forget that in
summer 2016 Labour MPs called a vote of no confidence in leader Jeremy Corbyn
following the EU referendum, which he lost by 172 votes to 40. However, he
remained as party leader by a margin of 61% to 39% following a ballot of all party members in September 2016.
But we have been here before. In 1981 four MPs left the
Labour Party as it drifted inexorably to the left, to form the Social Democratic
Party. Whilst this was instrumental in forcing Labour to confront its internal
issues, it was a multi-year process which succeeded in splitting political
opposition to the Conservative Party which remained in office until 1997. As it
is, current opinion polls suggest that the Conservatives are marginally ahead and unless the new
political centre can rapidly gain significant momentum it is hard to see how
this will change the political dynamics, unless it can gain support from
Conservative dissidents (which currently looks unlikely).
It is far from sure that this will have much impact on the
Brexit debate either. Seven MPs are hardly enough to change the world and there
are just 39 days (936 hours) until the default option is triggered which will
force the UK out of the EU unless something changes radically. Perhaps they
will be able to put forward parliamentary amendments (e.g. attempts to postpone
the Article 50 deadline) which will be easier to accept on a cross-party basis
as they are seen to come from independent MPs and not those attached to any of
the major political parties. But I will not be holding my breath. Nonetheless,
as I noted in my previous post,
today’s move is a belated recognition that the established political parties
are more interested in appealing to the ideologues who form the core of party
membership than the interests of centrist voters (something which is true of
both parties).
However, it was the news that Honda is planning to shut its
Swindon plant in 2022 that really should cause eyebrows to be raised. Local MP Justin Tomlinson noted in a tweet that Honda “are clear this is based on
global trends and not Brexit, as all European market production will
consolidate in Japan in 2021.” I refuse to accept that it has nothing to do
with Brexit but there is a very good reason why Honda might want to consolidate
production at home: Towards the end of last year Japan signed a trade deal with
the EU that removes the 10% import tariff on Japanese cars and the 3% tariff on
most car parts. So they don’t need the UK any more. And don’t say you weren’t
warned. I pointed out in 2015 that “international
companies already have to carefully balance the net benefits of operating in
the UK given that business operating costs are higher than in the EU8
countries. Brexit may make this calculation more clear cut.”
Without wishing to compare the ideologies underlying the two
processes or trivialise historical events, I have been struck in recent months
by the logistical parallels between the progress of the Nazi invasion of Russia
in 1941 and the Brexit process. Both were the product of an ideologically
motivated desire to achieve bigger goals (the defeat of Communism/throwing off
the yoke of the EU), which were preceded by intense planning but both were
under-resourced campaigns (logistically in the Russia case; intellectually in
the Brexit case). You can argue that both campaigns started well, achieving
many of their initial goals, before becoming bogged down by harsher conditions
(weather/economic reality) and the sheer weight of the opposition (Soviet
troops/the EU’s economic heft). But the key point is that the military campaign
ran out of steam following defeat at the Battle of Stalingrad when the
magnitude of the task facing the Wehrmacht became startlingly clear.
I wonder whether the Brexit campaign has yet reached its
Stalingrad moment. The Nazis clearly learned nothing from Napoleon’s attempt to
invade Russia in the same way the Brexiteers appear not to have learned the
lesson of those countries which tried to throw their weight around with the EU.
Just to push the parallel further, both campaigns kicked off in June (almost to
the day). Thirty two months after the start of the Russian campaign the tide
had decisively turned in the Soviets favour, although it was to be another 15
months before the whole episode was concluded. After a similar period since the
EU referendum, Brexiteers also appear to be fighting a losing battle and whilst
they clearly will not give up, they cannot win. They might force the UK out of
the EU without a deal, although I still maintain that they will be prevented
from doing so, but they cannot deliver on their promise to deliver an
economically brighter future.
Each decision by the likes of Honda or Nissan to scale back
production or to abandon expansion plans represents potential jobs that will
not be created. Each decision by politicians to abandon the ideological path
which their leaders are trying to follow represents a step away from the cliff
edge. Rather than fight Brexit battles which threaten to damage the economy, it
is time to call a truce.
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