For all that many of the claims made by the UK Brexiteers are absurd, there is a rising tide of dissatisfaction across the whole of Europe towards the EU. This is a danger of which politicians and bureaucrats in Brussels must surely be aware. After all, the evidence comes from the European Commission’s own Eurobarometer survey. The survey, which is conducted biannually, has shown that since late-2011 more than 50% of respondents have registered a lack of trust in the EU whereas prior to the onset of the financial crisis in 2008, distrust levels were running at significantly less than 40%.
Ironically, there are seven countries above the UK in the
latest Eurobarometer survey indicating high levels of EU distrust. Perhaps not
surprisingly Greece tops the list with 78% of respondents expressing
dissatisfaction. Worryingly, given the proximity of the French presidential
election, France is in third place with 65% whilst Italy is sixth at 58%. The
UK’s 56% dissatisfaction reading is only slightly ahead of Germany (53.2%)
which also happens to be around the EU average (53.9%).
However, it is one thing to be dissatisfied with the status
quo – it is another thing for voters to opt for departure as has happened in
the UK. In a bid to assess the degree of Euroscepticism, perhaps we ought to
pay closer attention to the degree of optimism shown by voters towards the future
of the EU, on the basis that those who are the most pessimistic are the most
likely to want to leave. Here, the picture is slightly different. On the whole,
EU citizens show a moderate balance of net optimists (53%, if we exclude those
expressing no opinion). But again, Greek citizens show the greatest degree of
hostility with only 32% recording optimism regarding the future, whilst the
French are in third place (42%) with the Brits fourth (44%).
On the basis that French optimism levels were lower than
those of the UK even before the Brexit vote, this suggests that we should take the
threat of Marine Le Pen more seriously than we are today. Although the
generally accepted view is that Le Pen has no chance of winning the second
round, there is a danger that too many pundits are looking back at 2002 and
arguing that a coalition will form to stop the Front National (FN) winning the presidency
at any cost – just as happened to her father. This view, which is expressed both in France and abroad, might be a touch complacent. Marine
Le Pen is not the antagonistic figure that her father was (indeed, still is
even in his eighties). If Le Pen continues to hammer home the message that the
EU is the root cause of many of France’s ills, she may well run her challenger
far closer than the expected 60-40 defeat that the polls currently predict. This
is not to say she will win, but if the result is a close run thing, it does suggest
that the FN is likely to be a force to be reckoned with in the years to come
and that their popularity may not necessarily peak in 2017.
In any case, what has changed since 2002 is that immigration
policy is far higher on the list of voter concerns than it was 15 years ago.
The Eurobarometer survey indicates that at the EU level it is far and away the
biggest concern, followed by terrorism issues, whilst the economic situation
trails in a poor third. French voters apparently believe that unemployment is
the biggest single domestic issue with immigration some way behind. If the FN
manages to convince voters that the EU is partially responsible for the lack of
jobs, it will only bolster their standing in the polls.
What is perhaps most concerning for politicians across the
continent is that the degree of dissatisfaction which began to take hold in
2008 is gaining momentum. There is little doubt that the economic crisis of
2008, which morphed into a full-blown Greek debt crisis in 2010, has been badly
handled. Greek voters are resentful that they have been forced to accept
austerity whilst voters in other EMU countries are less than keen to continue providing
support. The apparent inability of the EU to defend its borders, with the
result that huge numbers of immigrants from the Middle East and North Africa have
entered Europe, has also caused resentment. The German government’s policy of
throwing open its doors in 2015 is widely perceived to have exacerbated the
problem because it has raised tensions in other countries on the transit route that
were not consulted.
All this is happening at a time when Europe lacks leaders
unable to sell a vision of what the EU can achieve. At least in the days of
Kohl and Mitterrand we knew the direction in which Europe was travelling
even if not everyone agreed. Without strong leadership, the EU as we know it is
doomed – at best to irrelevance, at worst to further fragmentation. The Eurobarometer
surveys make it clear what EU citizens are concerned about. But is anyone in
Brussels listening?
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