Central banks face an inflation dilemma

Over the course of recent weeks there has been a shift in the message communicated by monetary policy makers. The monetary authorities on the other side of the Atlantic have long been ahead of their European counterparts, with the Fed having raised rates four times since December 2015 and three times in the last six months. But it has now gone further and announced in mid-June that it “expects to begin implementing a balance sheet normalization program this year, provided that the economy evolves broadly as anticipated.” A week prior to that the ECB changed its assessment of the balance of economic risks to “balanced” rather than “tilted to the downside” whilst only last week, Norges Bank removed its previous guidance that interest rates could be cut this year. Also this month, the Bank of England only narrowly voted to hold rates at their all-time low of 0.25% with three members of the Monetary Policy Committee pushing for a 25 bps rate hike.

The narrowness of the BoE vote came as a surprise with the dissenters concerned that inflation had overshot relative to expectations, reaching a four year high last month, at the same time as the margin of spare capacity in the economy has clearly diminished. My initial reaction to this reasoning was that it was flawed: Inflation has surged largely because of the impact of currency depreciation and so long as this does not impact markedly on inflation expectations, which leads to faster wage growth, the BoE may simply have to swallow the problem. Indeed, with wage growth slower today than before the EU referendum, higher interest rates at a time of falling real wages will not do anyone any favours. That said, with the unemployment rate close to the BoE’s estimate of the NAIRU, such concerns are understandable.

My own view is that the uncertainties surrounding Brexit will suffice to keep UK inflation expectations in check for some time to come. Indeed, across much of the industrialised world, it is proving difficult to drive up inflation: In both the US and euro zone inflation is struggling to reach the central bank’s 2% target – a trend which will not be helped by the recent decline in oil prices which has supported headline inflation in the past year. Although central banks have a mandate to control inflation, and in many cases have to meet particular targets, it is difficult to explain to the wider public that there is no automatic link between price growth and interest rates – just as there is not, and never has been, one between inflation and money supply growth, despite the best efforts of many politicians and (some) economists to convince us otherwise. As if we needed proof, consider the case of Japan where despite running a balance sheet equivalent to 90% of GDP – almost four times that of the Fed, ECB or BoE – inflation has only exceeded the BoJ’s 2% target for three months during this century (once we strip out the distortionary effects of consumption taxes, see chart).

There are numerous reasons why inflation today is much lower than during previous periods when prevailing economic circumstances were similar. A much more globalised economy, in which value chains stretch across international borders has been one of the key factors holding down price inflation over the past decade. This has been accompanied by technological change which has depressed wage expectations. In effect, the pricing power of labour has been reduced as wages are increasingly set according to international conditions rather than those in local labour markets. Moreover, as the BIS reminds us in a message that too many economists often overlook, “wage growth is not necessarily inflationary: whenever it is supported by productivity gains, it will not lead to rising production costs.” And as I never tire of pointing out, although the UK’s productivity record has been dismal since the great financial crisis, it has still been stronger than real wage growth.

In an environment where the link between the domestic economy and wages has weakened, this makes it difficult for central banks to justify raising rates based on the threat of more rapid potential wage growth. But low interest rates have contributed to the asset bubble which has forced – or perhaps facilitated – investors to take risks in order to generate faster rates of return. Some form of monetary tightening is thus desirable. It is for this reason that the BoE today announced that it will raise banks’ countercyclical capital buffer – a measure of mandatory additional capital holdings – from zero to 0.5%, with a view to raising it to 1% in November in a bid to curb excess credit growth.

I must confess to some mixed feelings on the situation we now find ourselves in. On the one hand, central banks are concerned about the impacts of low interest rates on credit and asset price growth. Yet on the other, they wish to ensure financial stability which appears to be at odds with the current loose monetary stance. The case for higher rates based on price inflation or wage growth is weak. But there is an argument to suggest that the wider impacts of running a loose monetary policy require some tightening. For the moment, the likes of Norges Bank and the ECB can get away with merely talking about it. The BoE fiddles around the edges by adjusting macroprudential measures. But before long, they may all be forced to follow the Fed – everyone does in the end.

Are we too complacent on interest rates?

One of the ongoing puzzles in the current conjuncture is why interest rates remain so low, despite the fact that the global economy has turned the corner. Indeed, central banks have recently been subject to widespread criticism for maintaining them at levels consistent with the emergency rates required in 2009 when the economy does not face anything like the same degree of danger. Despite the fact that the Federal Reserve has raised interest rates on three occasions since December 2015, yields on the 10-year Treasury note are still lower than in summer 2014 whilst UK 10-year gilts are trading just above 1% and 10-year Bunds below 0.4%.

Looking at the issue in a longer-term context, the standard approach in the academic literature is to point out that the neutral global real interest rate has fallen over the past three decades. A Bank of England Working Paper published in December 2015 highlighted that the long-term risk free real rate has fallen by around 450 bps in both emerging and developed economies since the 1980s.

The major factors which drive underlying long-term rates are expectations of trend growth and factors which impact on savings and investment preferences. The authors (Rachel and Smith) point out that the impact of a growth slowdown on lower rates is limited, accounting for less than a quarter of the total observed amount, and that the bulk of this can be attributed to changes in savings and investment preferences. Their key finding is that whilst there has been a sharp rise in saving preferences across the globe, desired investment levels have also fallen significantly. This is, of course, fully consistent with the savings glut hypothesis first postulated by Ben Bernanke in 2005. But Rachel and Smith go further by giving some quantitative estimates for the magnitudes of the quantities involved. Thus, they attribute 100 of the 450 bps decline in real rates to slower global growth; 90 bps to demographic factors and 70 bps to lower investment demand. All told, once they account for a number of other factors, they claim to account for 400 bps of the decline in real rates.

As an academic tour de force, this paper is an excellent and comprehensive overview of the factors driving rates lower. But it is not the whole story. A quick look at the data, compiled by King and Low in 2014 (chart), suggests that whilst there was indeed a sharp decline in the global real rate between 1990 and 2008 of around 250 bps, the last 200 bps has occurred post-financial crisis – a period when central banks slashed the short end of the curve to zero at the same time as they were engaged in huge asset purchases. In order to probe a little deeper, it is worth highlighting the concept of the natural rate of interest, postulated by Swedish economist Knut Wicksell at the end of the 19^th century. Wicksell argued that if the market rate exceeded the natural rate, prices would fall; if it fell below, prices would rise. Obviously, we do not know what the natural rate is but a quick-and-dirty method is to measure the difference between nominal GDP growth and the interest rate to assess the extent to which the real and financial sectors of the economy are misaligned.

In the UK, over the period 1975 to 2007, nominal GDP growth was on average within 30 bps of Bank Rate but since 2010 it has averaged a full 300 bps above, and similar deviations have been recorded in the US and the euro zone. This is not proof that interest rates are too low. After all, it is not as if price inflation is a problem for the global economy. But it does highlight the extent to which the interest rate on financial assets is too low relative to returns on real assets, which in turn has helped to propel financial asset prices to stratospheric levels. The concern is clearly that at some point asset markets will turn. But central banks will probably have no choice but to watch the bubble deflate because after having used a huge amount of monetary resources to pump markets up, they cannot realistically deploy more to cushion the fall.

Whilst I understand why central banks have been reluctant to raise interest rates so far – although the Fed is now grasping the nettle – I do detect a slight note of complacency. The fact  that (some) central bankers have justified their low interest rate policy on the basis of lower global equilibrium rates, without fully accounting for the fact that their actions have themselves pushed global rates down, strikes me as distorted logic. I am reminded of the situation a decade ago when many central bankers dismissed rapid growth in monetary aggregates as a problem not worth worrying about, when in fact it reflected the actions of banks to pump up their balance sheets. And we all know how that ended.

A world turned upside down

An asset manager recently told me that their fund has turned away clients on the grounds that they will not be able to guarantee investor returns in this low interest rate environment. As if that was not surprising enough, the fund was promptly swamped with money because clients respected the fund manager’s honesty, and obviously believed that they were a fit and proper person to manage their wealth.

This first thing this illustrates is the difficulty of generating any form of interest income in the developed world – a problem which is only going to get more acute in the coming years as increasing numbers of baby boomers retire and find that their pensions are worth a lot less than they expected. The BoE shows no sign of concern that low interest rates are a problem for savers. Last month, chief economist Andy Haldane indicated that he sympathised with savers “but jobs must come first.” Michael Saunders, the latest recruit to the BoE Monetary Policy Committee, recently noted that “If we thought the adverse side effects of monetary policy easing outweighed the potential boost, then our willingness to use the tool of easing … would be much less … I do not think we are at that tipping point, but that is something we have to be constantly on the alert for.”

In my view this is a complacent assessment of the problems we face. At its most basic, the point of reducing interest rates to ultra-low levels is to bring forward future consumption to the present. As a result, part of consumption activity which would otherwise take place in the future has simply been brought forward in time.  But if you have half an eye on retirement, it will be difficult to convince today’s consumers to spend income now rather than put it away for the future. Indeed, most modern macro models impose a lifetime budget constraint on consumers. And in a low inflation, low interest rate environment that constraint bites hard. Arguably, perhaps, one of the reasons that Japan’s low interest rate policy failed to generate a recovery in the 1990s and 2000s was because in an ageing society, consumers were looking further ahead than the BoJ. Maybe Saunders is right that we are not yet at the tipping point. But we may be a lot closer than many policymakers seem to believe.

The other point the anecdote illustrates is that savvy investors prefer the truth to spin. If an adviser tells me to find other ways to save rather than giving it to them, I am going to find them generally more trustworthy than someone who is going to spin me a line. It is heartening to know that there are honest people out there in finance and that they are doing what the regulator asks of them (I never doubted it: Pretty much all the people I know in finance are honest, but it’s the cheats who make better newspaper headlines). Traditionally in the city, a broker’s word was their bond and if they broke it, their reputation was on the line. But in the world of short-term trading, the incentives to cheat were sufficiently high that a small number of people were tempted to do so, on the basis that they could retire on the proceeds of one lucrative trade. That is less true today. And it was never really true of money management, where fund managers tended to be better rewarded the longer their track record. However, today’s world, where customers flock to those managers who cannot  guarantee above-average returns, is one which has truly turned upside down.

Interest rates: Absolute zero

The Kansas City Fed’s Jackson Hole Symposium is closely scrutinised by market watchers for any indications of changes in the Fed’s policy stance, and sure enough, most of the headlines over the weekend focused on Janet Yellen’s comment that “the case for an increase in the federal funds rate has strengthened”. But this is to overlook a lot of other interesting material which comes out during the course of the two day session. This year’s symposium was entitled “Designing Resilient Monetary Policy Frameworks for the Future” and if there was any takeaway, it is that central bankers believe they still have sufficient ammunition to provide cover for the economic recovery. It was also evident that central bankers are aware of the impact of low interest rates on the structure of the global monetary system, and that we are not going back to a pre-2007 world anytime soon. 

Marvin Goodfriend’s paper was interesting and makes the point that we should ignore the zero bound constraint on interest rates altogether, primarily because “the effectiveness of evermore quantitative monetary stimulus is questionable.” He argues that one way to facilitate an end to the lower bound constraint would be to abolish paper money and replace it with electronic money. This is not a new idea, having been kicked around since the 1930s and gaining currency (if you’ll pardon the pun) in the wake of the financial crisis. Indeed, Goodfriend’s policy prescriptions echo those made by Andy Haldane a year ago. In brief, this policy relies on central banks making it unattractive to hold cash, thus raising the incentive to hold it in an electronic account overseen by the central bank. The downside, of course, is that this reduces the control which individuals have over their own cash balances: you no longer have the choice of the bank or the mattress – it’s the central bank or nothing, which may persuade many to shift into assets such as property or gold, thus creating bubbles elsewhere.

A bigger objection to removing the lower bound on interest rates is that it has a massive distortionary impact on expectations. Will investors be willing to fund projects if the rate of return is zero or negative? Will we be prepared to continue handing over 30-40% of our earnings in tax (more in continental Europe) when we simultaneously have to invest to provide a fund for our retirement? How does the banking sector cope in a world of increasingly negative rates? Will we eventually reach a situation where customers are charged for depositing funds (actually, yes, with corporate clients in some countries already facing this problem)? For all these reasons and more, it should be evident that a prolonged period of zero or negative interest rates may lead to consequences which we cannot yet foresee and could cause major long-term economic disruption. It is one thing to try the policy on a temporary basis but when it becomes the norm, something is wrong.


Whilst I agree with Goodfriend’s point that QE is at the limit, the notion that we should abolish the lower bound should be treated as an interesting thought experiment and nothing more. The idea that central banks can continue to operate an ever looser monetary policy, but still fail to achieve their economic objectives, should act as an indication that there are deeper seated economic problems which require alternative solutions. Indeed, former Fed governor Kroszner argues that “many central banks are being asked to do things they simply can’t do. Central banks can try to fight deflation. Central banks can’t simply create growth.” Indeed, the ECB has made the point since its inception in 1999 that it cannot create the conditions for a sustainable pickup in growth on its own. Governments need to play their part with structural policies designed to raise the economy’s speed limit.

A bigger problem is that in the wake of the financial crisis, many European economies have been trying to accelerate with the brakes on. In other words, they have operated a very loose monetary policy and a tight fiscal stance. This reflects a misunderstanding about the nature of the shock which hit in 2008. Whilst this may have been understandable in the immediate wake of the crisis, we have had long enough to review the evidence to realise that the current policy mix is not delivering. It is clearly not creating stable jobs in sufficient quantities to allow economies to generate escape velocity, and as a result lots of people are taking out their frustration by voting for populist politicians. This is not the whole story: it certainly does not explain the rise of Donald Trump, but it is part of a wider narrative. We have already seen in the UK how this has panned out, but it is still not too late for other European countries to learn from this mistake. Failure to do so will have major adverse consequences for the euro zone in the years to come.

An un-save-ry business

The Bank of England’s action yesterday to ease monetary policy by driving interest rates deeper into all-time low territory has both positive and negative aspects. On the plus side, the fact that the central bank has acted pre-emptively illustrates that it is aware of the potential economic consequences of the Brexit vote. Another welcome innovation was the Term Funding Scheme, which is designed to ensure that banks can obtain funding at a cost “close to Bank Rate” which in turn means that they can pass on a significant chunk of the lower interest rates to their customers. As the BoE pointed out, the all-in cost of funding in the wholesale market is close to 100 bps and the TFS will ensure that banks can access funding at between 25 and 50 bps, depending on their lending volume. In this way, banks will be able to avoid the margin compression which is such a problem in a low rate environment, and hopefully will prevent many of the distortions which have been such a feature of the euro zone in recent months.

Two other elements of the package were an additional £60bn of gilt purchases and up to £10bn of corporate bond purchases, both of which were designed to further reduce yields, thereby giving additional monetary stimulus, and triggering portfolio balancing by forcing investors out of bonds and into other assets. Perhaps the most impressive part of the package was that it demonstrated a degree of joined-up thinking. The distortionary effect of low interest rates on banks’ business models is a well-known problem and the BoE clearly went some way towards addressing this crucial issue in a way which the ECB has not.

But it is not all good news. Driving interest rates ever lower is placing a serious burden on savers and is most certainly having an adverse effect on our retirement incomes. When pressed on this during the press conference, Governor Carney basically suggested that it is a choice between sacrificing savers and putting lots of people out of work. I think this is a false choice. For one thing, the Brexit fallout represents an uncertainty shock which is not readily amenable to monetary solutions. Lower borrowing costs will not determine whether Nissan decides to continue investing in its British operations. Indeed, if the Brexit negotiations go awry, Nissan could put lots of people out of work AND savers retirement incomes will still be under pressure.

What is more pernicious is that many policymakers, past and present, argue that more monetary easing does no harm so why not just do it. But that is also false. As noted above, low rates hurt savers. And there is another problem: By national accounting definition the current account deficit represents the difference between domestic saving and investment. If we reduce the incentive so save, so the economy can only invest by borrowing from the rest of the world – and the UK just happens to have one of the biggest current account deficits in the OECD (exceeded only by Colombia). So you still think that low rates are a good idea?

Another thing that concerns me is that central bankers have been loath to tighten monetary policy even once a recovery appears to be underway. There is thus a real risk that we get sucked into a world of low interest rates for far longer than is necessary, with all the attendant risks outlined above. And finally, there is general recognition that the Brexit problem is by no means as serious as the shock in the wake of the Lehman’s bust. So why then has the BoE implemented a monetary stance which is even more expansionary than we saw in 2009?

Maybe I am being a little too harsh. But the problem is that monetary policy remains the only game in town, given that the previous occupant of 11 Downing Street pursued an aggressive austerity policy which left no room for fiscal expansion. Many economists would welcome a change of policy on this front. And if over the course of the next year or two we do see a more activist fiscal approach, the BoE should be far less squeamish about raising interest rates. After all, savers could do with a break after seven years of squeeze.

The lowdown on interest rates

Over the course of the past seven years, monetary policy has been at its most expansionary setting in history, a point made by Andy Haldane in a speech last year. Indeed, we have become dangerously used to interest rates at near zero – and in some cases below.

It used to be thought that when interest rates get close to zero, there was very little else central banks could do. But in 2001, the Bank of Japan began the process of flooding financial markets with liquidity by buying huge quantities of financial assets in a bid to head off deflation (so-called quantitative easing). In 2002, Ben Bernanke argued, in what has gone down as one of the most influential speeches in modern central banking history, that a policy of central bank balance sheet expansion was guaranteed to reflate moribund economies and if it was failing in Japan, this was primarily a result of specific Japanese factors. Little did we know that western central banks would quickly exhaust all their conventional ammunition in the wake of the meltdown triggered by the Lehman’s bankruptcy, and that by 2009 the Fed and Bank of England would  be pumping huge amounts of liquidity into the financial system with the European Central Bank following suit in 2015.

We don’t have space to go into a detailed discussion of these unconventional monetary policies here, but suffice to say that although I was critical of the QE strategy in 2009, it did serve a purpose by preventing a market meltdown, and it probably did help to stabilise the real economy and set the stage for a recovery. The key point, however, is that it helped markets first and foremost. It did so by forcing investors to abandon the safe haven of government bonds, as central bank purchases drove down yields, and into riskier assets yielding higher returns. But with the ECB only starting to embrace QE last year, when global markets were a lot more stable than in 2009, this struck me as too little too late. It has had no discernible impact on generating a pickup in activity and although the ECB will doubtless argue that the situation would have been worse in its absence, that remains unproven.

What has become apparent is that central banks have become addicted to the provision of cheap liquidity. Indeed, in the euro zone the interest rate on cash deposits at the central bank is negative, as the ECB tries to force banks to lend rather than hold excess cash balances. There is little evidence that this policy is working.

In fact, lowering interest rates in the current environment is merely helping to magnify economic distortions. For one thing, they have forced investors to raise asset prices out of line with fundamentals by producing market bubbles which may well pop in future (at the very least, they raise market volatility by increasing the degree to which markets are dependent on central bank policy). For another, they distort the operation of the financial system, the main purpose of which is to match those with excess funds and those with insufficient funds. But in an environment of excess liquidity, banks are simply holding excess cash which – in the euro zone at least – is a drain on profitability because they have little option but to hold it at the central bank, which incurs a penal rate of interest. Then there is the problem of how savers can build up their balances in order to generate sufficient for their retirement. Today’s consumers may enjoy the dubious privilege of low rates today, but they will not thank central banks tomorrow when they see what their retirement funds are worth.

So it is against this backdrop that the BoE is widely expected to cut interest rates this week. But the truth is it will do little good. Whatever else the Brexit shock is, it is not a monetary shock to the system as we saw post-Lehmans when the global financial system seized up. At that point, radical monetary easing made sense. Lower interest rates today cannot compensate for any uncertainty shock which may cause companies to cut back on investment and employment. Nor is there any real need to expand QE – the BoE has already taken action to reduce banks’ countercyclical capital buffer which does much the same job.

The BoE will argue that the harm caused by inactivity outweighs the harm of further easing and the markets certainly will not take kindly to inaction. But the lesson of the past seven years is that once policy is eased, it has proven very difficult for central banks to consider unwinding it. We may not know the longer-term costs of cheap money for many years to come but it increasingly looks to me as though monetary policy is almost out of road and it is time for some heavy lifting from fiscal policy.

Time for a policy rethink?

There are few indications as yet that the UK real economy has taken a hit in the wake of the Brexit vote, but the release yesterday of a snap post-referendum consumer sentiment poll does not bode well. The GfK index collapsed by 8 points, the biggest monthly fall in 21 years. It is early days yet and the initial reaction might prove an over reaction. Nonetheless, it will give the Bank of England food for thought as it meets next week to set interest rates.

It really is a toss up as to whether rates are cut in July or August, but either way the Bank looks set to react with a rate cut over the summer as Governor Carney has already hinted. But in a keynote speech last week he pointed out that "monetary policy cannot immediately or fully offset the economic implications of a large, negative shock." Indeed, it is increasingly looking as though the BoE has little real ammunition left to counter the Brexit shock, with the policy rate already at all-time lows on data back to 1694.

I have long been of the view that the BoE missed a trick in not raising rates in 2014 when it became clear that the economy was recovering faster than anticipated and the unemployment rate was falling nicely. In some ways it is understandable that the MPC was hesitant: After all, members did not want to be accused of derailing the upswing which had taken ages to get going. But however sluggish the recovery, the economy was not facing the life-or-death problems which prevailed in 2009. For that reason it was becoming increasingly difficult to argue that interest rates needed to remain at these emergency levels, although perhaps a tight fiscal stance did restrict the BoE's room for manoeuvre.

Some good news is that the BoE has an instrument  which was not available in 2009 in the form of the banks' countercyclical capital buffer, which this week was lowered from 0.5% to 0%. In principle this will raise the lending capacity of the banking system by almost 9% of GDP. But this may not do much good if the private sector does not want to borrow, as BoE officials readily admit.

So the policy cupboard looks a little bare, unless the government does what it should have been doing all along, and relaxes the fiscal stance to take advantage of the lowest bond rates in history - rates which have surprisingly collapsed further after the referendum, with 10 year gilts yields now at less than 1%. The Chancellor has tried to argue over the last 6 years that austerity is the best way to get the economy back on its feet in the long-term. But one thing we perhaps learned from the Brexit vote is that the electorate is not buying that. It may be too late to turn back the referendum vote, but it still isn't too late to have a rethink on fiscal policy. The UK's near term fortunes may depend on it.