The ascent of Boris Johnson to the top of British politics
has energised and enraged in equal measure but his cabinet appointments
indicate a major shift in the direction of British politics, and not one that
is universally welcomed. There were a record 17 changes to the cabinet in what
was described as the most brutal purge in modern British political history, with all of
them required to commit to taking Britain out of the EU by 31 October. There is
a widespread belief that the composition of this cabinet is one of the most right-wing in British history.
Whilst we can argue about that, it is undeniable that although the current
government goes under the name of Conservative, it is anything but.
A few weeks ago, The Economist published a thoughtful article on the global crisis in conservatism. One of the key arguments made in this article is that in the Anglo Saxon world, the creed of conservatism arose as a response to the radicalism triggered by the French revolution of 1789. It has historically acted as a brake on some of the more radical economic and social ideas of the last 200 years. Arguably it is one of the reasons why the UK enjoyed relative social stability during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries when many other European countries experienced significant upheaval. Conservatism has also traditionally championed individual property rights and entrepreneurship, and in the last 40 years has blazed a trail towards reducing the role of the state. But something has flipped. As The Economist put it “the new right is not an evolution of conservatism, but a repudiation of it. The usurpers are aggrieved and discontent. They are pessimists and reactionaries.”
The centre-right Republican Party in the US has been hijacked by the Tea Party movement which espouses a low tax, pro-business agenda, but is increasingly defined by a nationalist agenda that puts American interests first. Donald Trump’s recent comments inviting female politicians of colour to “go back” to “their countries” portends a much uglier turn of events. To quote The Economist once again, “the right is changing what it means to belong. In Hungary and Poland the right exults in blood-and-soil nationalism, which excludes and discriminates.” It goes on to point out that “Hungary’s prime minister, Viktor Orban, paints himself as a low-tax economic conservative, but undermines the rule of law on which business depends.” And here is the nub of the problem: business interests are increasingly coming a distant second to the ideological requirements of the movement.
It is in this light that we have to see Brexit. The warnings by business regarding the damage that a no-deal Brexit will cause can be ignored, so long as the small coterie of true believers on which the Conservative Party leader depends is satisfied. After all, the man who is now PM is widely reported as having said “f*** business” when challenged about business claims that a hard Brexit will lead to a loss of jobs and a reduction in investment. Despite his recent attempt to convince business leaders that he will be the “most pro-business PM” ever, the business community cannot afford to take him on trust. This is not the form of British conservatism that Margaret Thatcher would recognise.
A closer look at Johnson’s cabinet illustrates the extent to which the nature of the domestic debate has changed. Two of those appointed (Home Secretary Priti Patel and Education Secretary Gavin Williamson) were fired by Theresa May for disloyalty to the government in acts that in times past might have been regarded as treasonous. Patel is particularly controversial for the nature of some of her political beliefs, including having in the recent past advocated the return of the death penalty. Everyone is allowed to change their opinions, as indeed Patel is reported as having done, but the worrying thing is that her view was no youthful indiscretion – it was espoused whilst she was an MP – which raises the question as to whether it is a Damascene conversion or merely one of convenience.
To further add to the controversy Johnson has appointed Dominic Cummings, campaign director of Vote Leave, as his special adviser. Cummings is regarded as intelligent, effective, albeit abrasive and one whose relationship with the truth is as strained as that of his boss. He has in the past been deeply scathing of government and is on record as suggesting that the May government’s approach to triggering Article 50 was a huge mistake. Whatever else he may be, Cummings is the antithesis of conservatism: He is a radical. Consequently, it is widely believed to be only a matter of time before Cummings is involved in a spectacular falling out with his boss – who is not a true radical. He was also recently ruled to be in contempt of parliament after failing to appear before a parliamentary committee investigating fake news. We therefore have two ministers in cabinet who undermined their previous boss and a special adviser who has been held in contempt. It’s not a good look. As an aside, the next time your employer reminds you of the ethical standards to which you are expected to adhere, you might want to point out that fish rots from the head.
The last few days have also sent a signal that UK politics has changed irrevocably. There is no obvious sign that a centrist such as Tony Blair or David Cameron is about to come riding over the hill to save us. This may change if Brexit turns out to be the disaster that is widely feared, but that won’t be any time soon. The rest of Europe should take note: The AfD is running neck-and-neck with the SPD in German opinion polls; the radical Lega is part of the Italian governing coalition and even in Sweden, the right wing populist Sweden Democrats are now the third largest parliamentary party.
In many ways, the rise of the radical right reflects the failure of the moderate centre to address the concerns of the electorate in the wake of the recession of 2008-09. Precisely because the “old politics” has been seen to fail, electorates are ready to listen to more radical solutions whether from the left or the right. In truth, the shock of 2008 was so great that it was always going to take a long time to recover, and it is more accurate to say that the policies implemented a decade ago were either not given long enough to succeed or were poorly implemented (certainly true of fiscal austerity). But the damage has now been done and the moderates may struggle to make their voices heard in the near future. Unfortunately, it may require the spectacular failure triggered by populist policies to force a change of tack. The economic costs in the meantime could be very severe.
A few weeks ago, The Economist published a thoughtful article on the global crisis in conservatism. One of the key arguments made in this article is that in the Anglo Saxon world, the creed of conservatism arose as a response to the radicalism triggered by the French revolution of 1789. It has historically acted as a brake on some of the more radical economic and social ideas of the last 200 years. Arguably it is one of the reasons why the UK enjoyed relative social stability during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries when many other European countries experienced significant upheaval. Conservatism has also traditionally championed individual property rights and entrepreneurship, and in the last 40 years has blazed a trail towards reducing the role of the state. But something has flipped. As The Economist put it “the new right is not an evolution of conservatism, but a repudiation of it. The usurpers are aggrieved and discontent. They are pessimists and reactionaries.”
The centre-right Republican Party in the US has been hijacked by the Tea Party movement which espouses a low tax, pro-business agenda, but is increasingly defined by a nationalist agenda that puts American interests first. Donald Trump’s recent comments inviting female politicians of colour to “go back” to “their countries” portends a much uglier turn of events. To quote The Economist once again, “the right is changing what it means to belong. In Hungary and Poland the right exults in blood-and-soil nationalism, which excludes and discriminates.” It goes on to point out that “Hungary’s prime minister, Viktor Orban, paints himself as a low-tax economic conservative, but undermines the rule of law on which business depends.” And here is the nub of the problem: business interests are increasingly coming a distant second to the ideological requirements of the movement.
It is in this light that we have to see Brexit. The warnings by business regarding the damage that a no-deal Brexit will cause can be ignored, so long as the small coterie of true believers on which the Conservative Party leader depends is satisfied. After all, the man who is now PM is widely reported as having said “f*** business” when challenged about business claims that a hard Brexit will lead to a loss of jobs and a reduction in investment. Despite his recent attempt to convince business leaders that he will be the “most pro-business PM” ever, the business community cannot afford to take him on trust. This is not the form of British conservatism that Margaret Thatcher would recognise.
A closer look at Johnson’s cabinet illustrates the extent to which the nature of the domestic debate has changed. Two of those appointed (Home Secretary Priti Patel and Education Secretary Gavin Williamson) were fired by Theresa May for disloyalty to the government in acts that in times past might have been regarded as treasonous. Patel is particularly controversial for the nature of some of her political beliefs, including having in the recent past advocated the return of the death penalty. Everyone is allowed to change their opinions, as indeed Patel is reported as having done, but the worrying thing is that her view was no youthful indiscretion – it was espoused whilst she was an MP – which raises the question as to whether it is a Damascene conversion or merely one of convenience.
To further add to the controversy Johnson has appointed Dominic Cummings, campaign director of Vote Leave, as his special adviser. Cummings is regarded as intelligent, effective, albeit abrasive and one whose relationship with the truth is as strained as that of his boss. He has in the past been deeply scathing of government and is on record as suggesting that the May government’s approach to triggering Article 50 was a huge mistake. Whatever else he may be, Cummings is the antithesis of conservatism: He is a radical. Consequently, it is widely believed to be only a matter of time before Cummings is involved in a spectacular falling out with his boss – who is not a true radical. He was also recently ruled to be in contempt of parliament after failing to appear before a parliamentary committee investigating fake news. We therefore have two ministers in cabinet who undermined their previous boss and a special adviser who has been held in contempt. It’s not a good look. As an aside, the next time your employer reminds you of the ethical standards to which you are expected to adhere, you might want to point out that fish rots from the head.
The last few days have also sent a signal that UK politics has changed irrevocably. There is no obvious sign that a centrist such as Tony Blair or David Cameron is about to come riding over the hill to save us. This may change if Brexit turns out to be the disaster that is widely feared, but that won’t be any time soon. The rest of Europe should take note: The AfD is running neck-and-neck with the SPD in German opinion polls; the radical Lega is part of the Italian governing coalition and even in Sweden, the right wing populist Sweden Democrats are now the third largest parliamentary party.
In many ways, the rise of the radical right reflects the failure of the moderate centre to address the concerns of the electorate in the wake of the recession of 2008-09. Precisely because the “old politics” has been seen to fail, electorates are ready to listen to more radical solutions whether from the left or the right. In truth, the shock of 2008 was so great that it was always going to take a long time to recover, and it is more accurate to say that the policies implemented a decade ago were either not given long enough to succeed or were poorly implemented (certainly true of fiscal austerity). But the damage has now been done and the moderates may struggle to make their voices heard in the near future. Unfortunately, it may require the spectacular failure triggered by populist policies to force a change of tack. The economic costs in the meantime could be very severe.
