It is difficult to articulate the sense of division within the UK that has grown during his term of office as the government deviates further from the norms of fairness and adherence to the rule of law which have traditionally underpinned the British state. Some of the actions by members of government in recent months were reminiscent of what the British media used to gleefully refer to as a failed state. This excellent blog post by Chris Grey got as close as anything I have seen recently to putting into words the current state of the nation, arguing that post-Brexit Britain “is going metaphorically and literally rotten.” For an audio description articulating the views of many, I recommend this BBC clip (starts at 33:57) reflecting the barely suppressed anger felt by the constitutional historian and peer Peter Hennessy who called Johnson “the great debaser of public and political life” who has turned the office of prime minister into “an adventure playground for one man’s narcissistic vanity.”
Quite how we have got to this point reflects a complex mix of factors. It is easy to point the finger at the Brexit referendum as the primary trigger but in some ways this was merely a catalyst for the discontent that had been burning for many years. The Euroscepticism inherent in the Conservative Party perhaps reflected the frustration that the Thatcherite revolution was cut short by the defenestration of the Blessed Margaret in 1990. After all, she became a virulent Eurosceptic just before her departure from office and maintained this view throughout her post-Downing Street political life. Discontent was further stoked by Tony Blair’s ill-judged decision to commit military forces to the US invasion of Iraq which did a lot to undermine trust in government. The parliamentary expenses scandal of 2009 and the failure of the economy to rebound quickly following the GFC in 2008-09 were further triggers of discontent, whilst the misguided austerity policy of the post-2010 Cameron government did much to erode the living standards of the less well-off in society.
But Brexit did give the keys to the kingdom to a new generation of politicians determined to overthrow the status quo and not be bound by the conventions of the past. This has resulted in apparent disdain for the principle of personal accountability with no actions apparently deemed out of bounds unless expressly proscribed by the law – and often not even then. Boris Johnson clearly has no intention of resigning despite the fact he has lied to parliament, the sanction for which according to the Ministerial Code is that “Ministers who knowingly mislead Parliament will be expected to offer their resignation to the Prime Minister.” It does not say what happens when the PM is the miscreant. Furthermore, Johnson has now become the first prime minister to be found guilty of a criminal offence whilst in office after he breached the Covid restriction laws that his government implemented.
I have argued previously that Johnson is merely a symbol of the rot at the heart of the system rather than the primary cause. Indeed the credibility of the man tasked with overseeing the nation’s finances has also been battered by recent events. In addition to being fined for breaching Covid restrictions, it has emerged that Chancellor Rishi Sunak’s wife, Akshata Murty, was registered as non-domiciled for tax purposes. This means that she does not pay British tax on her considerable foreign earnings – estimated at £11.5 million per year at the last count. Whilst her actions are not illegal, this is a PR disaster given that her husband has just raised taxes on working people following the recent rise in National Insurance Contributions. Sunak tried to argue that it is not fair to use his wife as a political pawn. However, non-dom status is granted on the basis that Ms. Murty does not consider the UK to be her permanent home (she is an Indian citizen) which would be fine except she is married to a man who has ambitions to be prime minister. To add insult to injury, it emerged that Sunak himself was the holder of a US Green Card, one of the conditions for which is that applicants must declare an intention to eventually become a US citizen.
It is not a good look for a man seeking to occupy 10 Downing Street and called to mind Theresa May’s 2016 Tory Party conference speech: “if you believe you’re a citizen of the world, you’re a citizen of nowhere.” Whilst I do not agree with May’s sentiment, I recognise irony and conflict of interest when I see it.
The current government’s signature policy was to “get Brexit done.” However there is no evidence that it is working as its proponents intended. The subsequent behaviour of government can thus perhaps be explained by its efforts to distract opponents from policy failures by throwing up a smokescreen of outlandish policies to appeal to its supporters which in turn is bolstered by the loud opposition this generates. Its most recent plan to deport refugees to Rwanda has stirred up a huge furore – not the least of which is the cost – which continues to distract attention away from other big policy issues (managing the fallout from the Ukraine war, relationships with the EU and the state of the economy to name three).
All this matters – as I have said many times before – because effective governance is the bedrock of a representative democracy. It is also a crucial underpinning for a market economy. Governments perform a wide range of functions, even in economies which pride themselves on their adherence to market principles. They regulate financial markets; manage the monetary system; oversee market competition laws; protect consumers; negotiate trade agreements and enforce technical standards for products. And that is before we consider their role in collecting taxes and overseeing the infrastructure on which we all rely. How governments act and the signals they send are thus important. Obviously it is impossible to keep politics completely at arm’s length but the more political interference, the less efficiently the economy operates. It is important to highlight that this is not an argument for an absence of government regulation: It is an argument for minimising the impact of politics on the operation of governance.
It is rather depressing to have to continue pointing out basic failings in the conduct of the British government, particularly when there is no indication that matters are about to improve anytime soon. Despite 1000 days behind him as Prime Minister, Johnson still technically has 1012 days until the UK needs to hold another general election. Whether he can survive that long is moot. Quite how much difference it would make to the quality of governance if he were to be replaced is also questionable.
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